How elites co-opted wokeness

This episode features a conversation with Musa Algarby, author of "We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite." The discussion centers on the term "woke" and its broader implications, arguing that the term has become a catch-all phrase, often used in bad faith to dismiss progressive ideas. Algarby's book aims to provide a more nuanced understanding of the "woke" phenomenon by contextualizing it historically. Algarby identifies four historical "awakenings" in the US: one in the 1920s/30s, another in the 1960s, a third in the late 1980s/early 1990s (associated with "political correctness"), and the current one. He argues that these awakenings share common threads: elite overproduction and popular emiseration. Elite overproduction occurs when a society produces more individuals with elite aspirations than there are elite positions to accommodate them. Popular emiseration refers to periods when conditions for ordinary people worsen. Awakenings tend to happen when these two factors converge, empowering frustrated elite aspirants with a disgruntled base to challenge the existing social order. A key point of contention is the perceived disconnect between the "symbolic capitalist class" – which includes academics, journalists, and other knowledge workers – and the broader population. Algarby contends that while individuals in these professions may identify with the struggles of the working class, their lived experiences, social networks, and interests are often closer to those of actual elites like billionaires. He uses the example of adjunct professors, who, despite being exploited relative to tenured faculty, still earn more and hold higher social status than many typical American workers. Similarly, the increasing credentialing requirements for professions like journalism mean that only relatively affluent individuals can enter, shaping their perspectives and their ability to critically examine those in power. He argues that the New York Times, for instance, may not care about the perspectives of ordinary people until a dramatic event like George Floyd's murder makes them culturally relevant. Algarby explains "symbolic capitalism" as a system where the symbolic capitalist class, often aligned with the political left, sincerely believes in egalitarian ideals while also pursuing elite status. This creates a tension, as the drive for egalitarianism and the desire for personal advancement are not easily reconciled. He asserts that this is not a contradiction but rather a reflection of how our cognitive systems are geared towards furthering our interests. Interestingly, Algarby posits that both the "woke" and "anti-woke" factions share a similar worldview. Both groups tend to prioritize struggles over culture, symbols, and rhetoric as the most important issues, often over material concerns that affect ordinary people. They both engage in a form of "cosmic struggle" in their minds. A significant impact of these awakenings, according to Algarby, is their tendency to devolve into culture wars, leading to gains for the right, particularly at the ballot box, and the creation of alternative knowledge economy infrastructures that foster mistrust in mainstream institutions. He explains that during awakenings, symbolic capitalists shift their political and social views dramatically, widening the gap between themselves and the general public. This widening gap, coupled with increased confrontational tactics, creates an opportunity for right-aligned political entrepreneurs to campaign against "people like us." This leads to narratives about mainstream media and academia being ideological indoctrination centers, spurring efforts to curb their autonomy and funding. Examples include the creation of Fox News after the late 80s/early 90s awakening and more recent attempts like Elon Musk's takeover of Twitter. These alternative infrastructures thrive by sowing distrust in established institutions. Algarby addresses the argument that focusing on symbolism and representation might eventually lead to material improvements. While acknowledging that some cultural changes can be beneficial, he argues that these positive changes are often orthogonal to the great awakenings and not a direct product of them. He cites the First Step Act as an example of criminal justice reform that was a result of decades of consensus-building, but whose passage was complicated by the heightened contestation and extreme positions taken by symbolic capitalists during the current awakening. He also discusses the concern that his book might be misinterpreted and used as a cudgel in the culture war. While acknowledging this risk, he emphasizes his commitment to intellectual honesty and applying a symmetrical lens to both woke and anti-woke actors. He also notes that his work is informed by critical theories and aims to prompt reflection on how our own ideologies might reflect class interests. Algarby, as a Black Muslim American, challenges certain orthodoxies on the left. He highlights that the spokespeople for symbolic capitalist spaces are often not representative of the broader Black population, being disproportionately mixed-race or recent immigrants. He argues that the values and interests of these representatives can be out of step with the needs of the people they aim to help, and that policies enacted in the name of diversity and inclusion can sometimes be detrimental to socially conservative or religious individuals, who are often underrepresented in these spaces. Looking ahead, Algarby notes that while the cyclical nature of awakenings persists, there are also important trend lines. The increasing share of workers in symbolic professions, now around a third of the workforce, means these individuals have more autonomy and can afford to disconnect from the values of mainstream America. He suggests that the current bifurcation between symbolic capitalists and the rest of society is unsustainable, and that growing distrust in institutions is a rational response to feeling unrepresented and marginalized. He hopes that this tension can be resolved in a way that is not highly destructive. The conversation concludes with a commendation of Algarby's book for its intellectual honesty and contribution to the discourse.